-----
Dear Delegates,
It is an absolute pleasure for me to welcome you to the 21st session of World Model United Nations and specifically to the Historical Security Council! The only committee of Model UN with the benefit of hindsight, I am sure that this body will consist of the crème de la crème of their delegations working collectively to create well devised solutions for tackling an issue that is not merely confined to the 70s and 80s, but whose dregs remain with us today: the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan. This is manifest in terrorist attacks, which persistently threaten international peace and security, and the malignant metastasization of fundamentalism at a frightening pace to all corners of the globe.
But before plunging into political discourse, please allow me to introduce myself. My name is Sarah Abushaar. I am a sophomore at Harvard University planning to concentrate in Economics with a secondary in Government. Most importantly, though, I have the honor of being your committee chair in WorldMUN Vancouver 2012.
Growing up in the politically tumultuous Middle East all my life, it was by living in a political boiling pot that my passion for politics began to brew. So I joined Model UN as an 8th grader, slapping together skewed policies I formulated on the spot from the breadcrumbs I had picked up from newspapers left lying about my house by my father, the incomprehensible political vernacular I heard during CNN political debates, and my grandmother’s ceaseless bickering about the world’s impending demise, then jamming up the mess I created with words I did not understand and which were completely out of context but, nevertheless, sounded “political,” and finally presenting my hodgepodge opinions to a General Assembly of utterly confused faces. As Marx once lamented, looking back on those peanut butter and jelly sandwich policies of mine, one thing I know, I’m not a Sarah-ist. But looking back on the past six years since I first hopped on board MUN, another thing I also know, partaking in the program was perhaps one of the most rewarding decisions of my life, allowing me to grow and evolve as a thinker, a speaker and problem solver, as well as giving me the opportunity to meet thousands of simply amazing people from around the world. And of course, not to forget the boxful of “souvenir” notes conveyed to me by not very meticulous admin staff reading (among other notes I’ve received): “Dear delegate, you are really mean. Please stop attacking my resolution. The Delegation of X really dislikes you (insert evil smile here),” which I have collected over time and continue to chuckle at whenever I recall wonderful times spent at MUN conferences.
And now with the WorldMUN conference quickly approaching, I hope you are as exited as I am to participate in this illustrious event! One of the greatest events of the MUN lineage, WorldMUN offers a truly unparalleled global feel, a very high level of world-class debate, and sneak previews at tomorrow’s leaders. I guarantee that you will leave the conference with a newfound self-confidence, a greater appreciation of the political policies of the countries you are representing, a heightened intellectuality on the most relevant topics of our time and connections that will last you a lifetime (and possibly get you mentioned in some president or prime minister’s biography in the distant future.)
But it is too soon to speak of endings. We are only just beginning! As you prepare for conference in March, I encourage you to make use of this study guide as it offers “Sparknotes” of those nine protracted years of turmoil we will be reconstructing. However, I also encourage you to look beyond this starting point and continue to seek information and supplementary resources so as to ensure you have a solid understanding of the topic at hand once debates convene. In the meantime, should you have any questions regarding technicalities or the topic of our debates, please don’t hesitate to contact me. I look forward to meeting you all in person in March!
Sincerely,
Sarah Abushaar
Chair, Historical Security Council
World Model United Nations 2012
hsc@worldmun.org
-----
The Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, persisting for almost a decade between the years 1979-1989, is perhaps one of the most detrimental events of this past century with numerous repercussions to both domestic and international peace and security that would prevail long after the history book culmination date of the war. While ostensibly a conflict between the anti-Communist Muslim Afghan guerrillas, also known as the Mujahideen, the Afghan puppet regime and the Soviet government, at the very heart of it, however, is the invisible but ever present confrontation between the two global superpowers – the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; a legacy of resentments packaged up and tied with ribbon, shipped off to Afghanistan in the form of “aid,” but like Trojan horses, carrying within them the artillery, personnel, and other military support that would fight one of the many heated battles in the long Cold War.
It begins with the 1978 coup d’état and the assassination of Afghan President Mohammad Daoud Khan, who himself came into power by ousting King Zahir Shah before him in 1973. This is followed by the establishment of a pro-Soviet Communist government under Noor Mohammed Taraki throughout whose term Afghanistan and the Soviet Union enjoy a close alliance but who, a year and a coup d’état later, in 1979, himself, is overthrown by his overly ambitious Prime Minister Hafizullah Amin. Enter the Soviets not long after, who, worried about Amin’s unrestrained hunger for power and the disobedience it had ignited among the Afghan populace, invade Afghanistan on December 27, 1979 in the highly covert operation Storm-33 (Coll).
Within hours of the invasion, the capital city of Kabul and the government are toppled and in a matter of days, the vast majority of major Afghan cities, military bases and infrastructure meet this same glum fate. In addition, the Kremlin government installs a puppet regime headed by Babrak Karmal to replace Amin and other high officials who are killed during the Soviet attacks (Roraback). All the while, the international community demands the immediate withdrawal of all external troops deployed in Afghanistan. The Soviet Union, however, refuses to concede, claiming its occupation of Afghanistan to be an act of goodwill and friendship, intended to provide the country with support the Afghan government purportedly requested – a claim which the newly instated puppet government would submissively agree to (UN).
While this series of regime toppling and the invasion occupy center stage on the political scene, as an “aside,” the Mujahideen, supported by the United States, China, and Saudi, set off a fiery resistance movement, starting at the peripheries of Afghanistan (which encompasses several rural villages and remote communities) but quickly penetrating other parts of the country (Roraback). The danger of these quickly unfolding proceedings cannot be underscored enough.
Strategically located at the crossroad of the East and West, with close access to key trade routes and an abundant supply of natural resources including oil, a Soviet takeover of such a region has many frightening implications. To speak of a few, what with the recent instatement of a new, post-Shah Iranian government no more a fan of the “infidel” Soviet Union than of the United States, the presence of the Soviets in such close proximity to the Persian Gulf poses risks of great volatility (Roraback). Then surfaces the issue of the handicapping of Afghans’ economic and social wellbeing for many generations to come. To add to that, the increasing empowerment and militarization of the Mujahideen and the proliferation of their radicalized mindset with the help of foreign aid, while it may seem to offer the short term “benefit” of standing against the winds of communism, presents a very dangerous investment (dis-investment is more apt). The international community is essentially creating an army of rogues that could potentially turn against it (for the Mujahideen’s radical ideologies are contrary to those of all liberal societies, although their resentment is temporarily directed solely at the Soviet Union owing to the pacifier of financial backing) – giving them the weapons and training with which to jeopardize their existence.
Today, January 5, 1980, the United Nations Security Council convenes to exert our greatest efforts in finding a means to reconcile the disagreements between the Soviet Union and those nations opposed to the war and rectify this unjust incursion of a sovereign state before its situation further exacerbates, risking aggravation of international peace and security.